Would the revolution meet on a fixed date? Since January 14, 2011, the pulse of youth has been scrutinized with the attention of the seismograph. That of the “disadvantaged” districts – a word full of modesty – gave its verdict: stormy. For four nights, red dots have multiplied on the map of the Ouina barracks crisis center. From the city of Ettadhamen which borders Tunis to the Ennour district in Kasserine (center) via Sfax, Mahdia, Bizerte, Siliana, Kebili, a wave of protests has invaded the streets. The violence resulted in injuries, a policeman was burned in the face by a Molotov cocktail in Haouaria, when a post office was looted in the north-west of the capital. Most of the incidents reported take place overnight. Dozens, if not hundreds (especially in Greater Tunis) of people, an agglomeration of minors and young adults, brave the curfew (supposed to start at 4 p.m. until yesterday) and the police. In a half-built building environment, the protocol is immutable from one city to another: tires that are burned in the middle of a street, on a roundabout, fireworks that are used like weapons. Tear gas slicks take possession of the scenes of conflicts, scents abundantly spread by the police. A game of cat and mouse begins between pandora and nocturnal rebels, a game proven over the years. The ACAB generation harasses its pet peeve. The army, the country’s most respected institution according to opinion polls, has deployed to four governorates to protect official buildings.
Since January 14, every night has been more eventful than the last. The arrests are numerous, several hundred, the lawyers requested in the police stations. On social networks, the images of confrontation respond to each other from one city to another. While the pandemic is at its highest level, the riots have defied government instructions. The mask might have had a very brief interest in countering tear gas. In addition to the security aspect, the situation requires a political treatment which seems absent.
Three governments in twelve months
The movement quickly spread like fire, overthrowing leaders and politicians. A large-scale cabinet reshuffle was formalized Saturday at 5 p.m. Twelve ministers change, four months after the advent of the Mechichi government. In twelve months, the country had three executives, a kind of perpetual reshuffle that is driving a growing gap between politicians and governed. In the midst of the Covid crisis, the Minister of Health has been changed for the fourth time since February 27, 2020. As riots knock on the doors of Tunis, the posts of the Interior and Justice have changed hands. A vote by the Assembly of People’s Representatives must validate each of the twelve new moroccos, which as a rule consumes a plenary session from morning until late at night. Political silence reigns on the subject of urban riots. Some see it as an organized movement in the shadows, a manipulation of a youth that cannot be found there. The numbers of school dropouts have been very important for several years: around a hundred thousand each year. In October 2019, Kaïs Saïed was elected president of the republic with 73% of the votes in the second round. He often spoke of youth, believing that they were not sufficiently represented, listened to. It seems that this one remembers the good memories of grown-ups.
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