“Today there is a real risk of a breach of trust with the United Kingdom”

Little by little, relations deteriorated between the European Union and London. In the front row, Alexandre Holroyd, LREM deputy for French nationals living abroad, whose constituency covers the United Kingdom (but also Ireland, Scandinavia and the Baltic States), observes the difficulties of implementing the agreement post-Brexit partnership.

Expert in European legislation with which he rubbed shoulders, in Brussels, in his previous professional life as a consultant, Alexandre Holroyd makes one observation: confidence is undermined, the situation in Northern Ireland is dangerous. But the EU must also learn not to lock itself into an overly rigid regulatory model with its partners.

Point : Since the entry into force of the partnership agreement with the United Kingdom, London has not applied sanitary and phytosanitary controls in Northern Ireland. What is your assessment of the problem?

Alexandre Holroyd : There is today a real risk of breach of confidence with the United Kingdom since the latter refuses to implement the measures to which it has subscribed in the trade agreement, in particular with regard to the border in Northern Ireland. . This is all the more surprising given that this is an agreement negotiated and ratified by the current British Prime Minister, with his current majority. This imperative established, it must be agreed that technical difficulties may exist and that we Europeans have a moral duty to work with the British to try to find practical and realistic solutions in the light of the history of Northern Ireland and of the particularly tense current context. We can do it, but trust is essential and all unilateral decisions taken by the British undermine that trust. In this game we will all lose, starting with Northern Ireland.

On Northern Ireland, was there a way to find a more flexible arrangement?

Today we have an arrangement on Northern Ireland. This was wanted, negotiated and ratified by the British and the European Union and must be put in place and respected by both parties. Having said that, it would be incongruous and dangerous not to take into account the very special situation in Northern Ireland. Today, the tensions which manifest themselves there testify that despite the agreement of Good Friday of 1998 which allowed 25 years of peace, this one remains fragile. If there is no longer a flame, keep in mind that some embers remain glowing under the ashes. It is therefore imperative to show flexibility and flexibility in the implementation of the agreement. It is out of the question to “uproot” the accord, but we owe it to ourselves to be a reed rather than an oak. For this to work, there is only one solution: a permanent, demanding and trust-based dialogue between the British and Europeans at the implementation level.

There have been cases of European nationals being detained by the English authorities. As a member of the French nationals abroad, have you had to know of such cases concerning the French?

I learned of these facts from the press, but to date, I have not been approached by the French in this case. I will immediately take up any matter brought to my attention. The issue of protecting the rights of French citizens living in the United Kingdom has been at the heart of my work as a Member of Parliament, from the start of my mandate. I brought it to the President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, the European negotiator, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, of Europe and in charge of French people living abroad and to the National Assembly. Today, three elements seem essential to me.

First, we need to make sure that French people living in the UK have taken the mandatory step that will allow them to keep all of their rights by June 30 (the settled status). Secondly, we must find with the British a legal framework allowing those who have not been able to take this step for good reasons in the allotted time to assert their rights. Thirdly, we must be very clear that the agreements negotiated with the European Union form a whole and that respect for citizens’ rights is one of the conditions for guaranteeing the whole, in particular the trade provisions.

Boris Johnson’s first battle was over vaccines. Many commentators have pointed out that he won his bet on risk taking and speed. But faced with the Indian variant which now threatens the British, can we still say that he was right?

I don’t think there are any winners in this story. The UK has undeniably been successful in its vaccination campaign. I am particularly pleased with this because it also concerns our fellow citizens living in the United Kingdom, who have been severely affected by the management of the entire crisis, which has been a source of concern. There will certainly be lessons to be learned from the various vaccination campaigns after the crisis and the UK’s choices will have to be considered against this yardstick. There is, however, one British achievement that should give us pause for thought: the effectiveness with which its university system and the private sector have worked together to develop, produce and distribute a vaccine rapidly.

After the local elections in Scotland, do you have the feeling that the subject of Scottish independence will be an acute one for Johnson?

The Scottish National Party (SNP) made Scottish independence the cornerstone of its election campaign. Although they did not secure a majority in parliament, they received the most votes and there is little doubt that they intend to use this democratic legitimacy to support the demand for the organization of a new one. referendum on independence. However, this decision rests entirely with the House of Commons and therefore with the Prime Minister. Today, it seems unlikely to me that it will give in and allow such a referendum to be held.

The UK has broken with the EU and Switzerland is turning its back on the framework agreement with the EU. Basically, doesn’t Europe have a problem positioning itself vis-à-vis its neighbors?

The agreement with Switzerland is a very different issue from Brexit. However, it seems undeniable to me that these events require us to do some introspection. Foreign policy has been the poor relation of European construction. This neglect is reflected in a doctrine which has difficulty in emancipating itself from a binary vision of neighborhood relations articulated around a single question: does the country have a vocation to join the EU or not? Yet the heart of a mature and serious foreign policy is precisely the ability to have individual and unique relationships with multiple partners. Relationships that do not fit into predefined boxes.

Whether vis-à-vis the Balkans, Switzerland, Norway, the United Kingdom, Ukraine or others, the European Union must assume the differentiation between partners, an inevitable product of the extremely complex nature of a relationship with states. The President of the Republic has embarked on this path first by pushing for a strengthening of the common European foreign and security policy through a new defense and security treaty creating the European Security Council. In the years that follow, and particularly during the French presidency of the European Council in the first half of 2022, European foreign policy should continue to be strengthened, in particular by enriching its approach to the neighborhood.