By declaring that he will choose General Braga Netto as his vice-president, Jair Bolsonaro (PL) reinforces the hard-line speech, reinforces the alliance with his military device, tries to rescue the image of an anti-system politician, makes a kind of anti-government vaccine. impeachment (he does not believe that a military man is capable of conspiring to overthrow him and inherit his position) and plays for the Bolsonarist audience.
When he discards the handing over of the vice post to a politician – in this case, deputy and former minister Tereza Cristina (PP-MS) –, the president avoids putting another icing on the Centrão cake, the last one left to finish the decoration. of the confectionery prepared by the chiefs who control the government and guarantee its survival.
By proposing a revised and updated edition of the ticket that took him to the Planalto, Bolsonaro tries to repeat 2018 and bets on the empowerment and enthusiasm of his most radical electorate, a hard core that, like what happened four years ago, would be able to contaminate other sectors of society.
The problem is that, as research shows, he has had difficulties to expand support outside this bubble, which brings together a significant number of citizens.
The latest Datafolha shows that former President Lula (PT) has 37% of preferences in spontaneous voting and 47% in stimulated research, when the researcher shows the list of possible candidates to the interviewee.
In other words, PT rises ten percentage points between the two forms of consultation, which indicates a good ability to add voters who are not PT or Lula cardholders, who do not have an apparently consolidated vote.
Bolsonaro, on the other hand, had 25% of spontaneous citations and 28% in the stimulated poll: he gained only three percentage points between one question and another. These three points represent a 12% growth in their spontaneous voting intentions; Lula’s ten additional points reveal a 27% increase in his potential electorate.
By maintaining and reactivating the radical discourse, Bolsonaro strengthens his base, but makes it difficult for other voters to join. Four years ago, the extremist stance paid off in a convulsed country — voters didn’t care about moderation.
Candidate for a then run-down party, with almost no TV time, he took on the role of vigilante, against everything that politicians represented.
The problem for Bolsonaro is that the country has changed.
Four years ago, antipetismo was at its height, the fight against corruption dominated conversations and concerns, something that is now overcome by the anguish caused by the various symptoms of the economic crisis — inflation, hunger, unemployment, fuel prices.
The alliance with Centrão and the recent scandals in the government also indicate that it would not be good for the president to insist on presenting himself as a stranger in the political nest and as a spokesperson for the speech against theft, he is no longer in the comfortable role of who it only throws stones, it has windows to defend.
Throughout his term as president, Bolsonaro even tried to adopt more moderate stances, attempts that did not resist for long.
The president who built his long career in the minefield of radicalism indicates, with the choice of Braga Netto, that he decided to double the bet, as an actor who repeats the lines and ignores that the play has other actors and a new scenario.
Photos – All the presidents in the history of Brazil
Source: CNN Brasil
I am Sophia william, author of World Stock Market. I have a degree in journalism from the University of Missouri and I have worked as a reporter for several news websites. I have a passion for writing and informing people about the latest news and events happening in the world. I strive to be accurate and unbiased in my reporting, and I hope to provide readers with valuable information that they can use to make informed decisions.
